1. Introduction
[1.1] Popular culture occupies a prominent place in contemporary life. With increasing access to technology, many people around the world can engage with popular television shows, movies, music, sports, video games, books, and the internet in their leisure time. Doubtless this is an accessible means of diversion, relaxation, and entertainment for many. But for others, popular culture seems to represent something far more important than this, beyond mere entertainment. Of course, we already know what this looks like and what to call it—it's called being a fan (or a fandom, collectively) (note 1). Fans can become very devoted to their pop culture interest; they engage with it routinely and take it seriously; they are inspired by it; they derive meaning and identity from it; they form strong bonds with others who are equally devoted; and they get offended when people criticize it. But why is this? Why do people become devoted to a particular genre of popular culture? This is a central question of fan studies research, and an important sociological question to boot.
[1.2] One prominent and provocative answer is that fandoms are like a religion. As Jennifer Porter (2009) concisely states, "If something looks like, if someone acts like, if someone sees the world like a religious person, it doesn't matter whether the framework for expressing this mode of being is drawn from popular culture or from existing mainstream faiths" (12). We are also familiar with some of the negative stereotypes associated with this comparison—fans are fanatical; their behavior is irrational and extreme, and sometimes dangerous. Or, fans are childish and devoted to something trivial and shallow. Negative or not, we take the "fandom as religion" comparison very seriously and seek to explore it fully, but we are not uncritical of it. While it has endured for decades, this explanation has some lingering issues that hamper the field. We begin by discussing some of these issues and suggest an alternative approach that conceptualizes fan devotion as a sacred experience rather than a religious one. Next, we describe how we tested this approach with survey and interview techniques, and how we gathered systematic information at Comic-Cons in the mid-Atlantic region of the United States. Third, we share the results of our analysis of 508 survey responses and fifteen in-depth interviews, which offer strong evidence that fan interests are experienced as sacred in various ways. We conclude by discussing how these results add significant depth to our understanding of fan devotion, and raise additional questions for future research.
2. Fandom as religion
[2.1] The fandom as religion comparison is familiar territory. Scholars, journalists, and the public have all been prone to use it. Indeed, there are striking similarities between fan devotion and religious devotion. For example, some fans travel great distances to visit iconic sites, much like a pilgrimage (Bickerdike 2016; Toy 2017); they develop strong collective identities and social bonds with fellow fans, and adorn prominent symbols of their association, much like disciples (Price 2004; Serazio 2012); and they engage in ritualistic, emotionally charged activities, much like charismatic believers (Cavicchi 1998; Löbert 2012; Sylvan 2002). The comparison between fan devotion and religious devotion is alluring, but it is not always accurate. One of the biggest issues in the field is this—what do we mean by a religion? As others have recognized (Hills 2002; McCloud 2003), the meaning of religion is often assumed and never clearly defined. Or, it is associated with a single component that is emblematic of religious experiences, such as a powerful ritual, symbol, or pilgrimage. Such comparisons are often loose and imprecise, leading to arguments that hastily conflate religion and fandoms as equivalent. While there may be intriguing similarities, there may also be important differences that can be overlooked.
[2.2] We are wary of this comparison and develop an alternative below. Nonetheless, the fandom as religion comparison would be stronger if scholars were clearer about how they conceptualize religion. This can be challenging, since scholars of religion cannot agree themselves. However, most definitions fall under two categories—substantive and functional (note 2). As we explain elsewhere (Elliott 2021), substantive definitions emphasize the content or substance of a religion, which is often based on human beliefs in something extraordinary that is beyond human capabilities (i.e., superhuman, supernatural, supramundane). In other words, it attempts to pinpoint the central object of people's devotion, be that gods, spirits, essences, forces, or powers, and the beliefs and practices that surround those objects. This conception of religion could certainly be used to explore fandoms that center around particular celebrities, music groups, sports teams, or characters who are worshiped by groups of fans that engage in various ritualistic activities to signify their intense devotion and adoration. It's even better if the relevant literature is consulted and comparisons are made between religious and pop culture examples. However, we are hesitant of substantive comparisons mainly because there is an important difference between "gods, spirits, essences, forces, or powers" and "celebrities, bands, teams, or characters." The difference is that the former are beyond human whereas the latter are decidedly human. Although fictional characters can be imagined as superhuman, they remain fictional to fans. A god or spirit or essence, on the other hand, could never be fictional to a true believer. Thus, in our opinion, while the sincerity and intensity of devotion may be similar between a fan group and a religion, the central object of devotion is not the same.
[2.3] Returning to definitional categories, while substantive definitions describe what religion is, functional definitions describe what religion does and how it functions, emphasizing the effects that religion has on groups and their members (Furseth and Repstad 2006). For example, it is commonly recognized that religions function to give meaning to life, provide a moral code, and generate solidarity among members. Since functional definitions are not determined by the recognition of something beyond human, they capture a wider array of religious activities. Clearly, this conception is also ground for comparison, since it is possible that fandoms can give meaning to life, provide a moral code, and generate group solidarity and identity among members. However, we must be cautious about labeling fandoms as religions on the basis of functional similarities for two reasons. First, functional effects require empirical evidence, not just anecdotal observations. Second, comparing diverse forms of devotion on the basis of functional similarities (e.g., Star Trek and Buddhism) risks stretching the concept of religion too far, making it a loose analogy that obscures key distinctions.
[2.4] As a result, some have adopted modified terms to describe devoted fandoms, such as neo-religion, quasi-religion, or implicit religion, which grapple with the similarities and differences but do not assume equivalence. We sympathize with these efforts and the difficulty of describing devotional activities as something other than a religion (note 3). For example, exploring the connection between celebrity worship and religion, Pete Ward (2011) uses the term para-religion. "Para-religion is based on the premise that celebrity worship is not a religion but has religious parallels…In celebrity worship there are moments when the sacred appears to be present, but this is often subverted or interrupted by the irreverent" (80). Similarly, Chris Rojek (2007) concludes, "Celebrity culture motivates intense emotions of identification and devotion, but it is basically a fragmented, unstable culture that is unable to sustain an encompassing, grounded view of social and spiritual order. Nonetheless, some elements of celebrity culture do have a sacred significance for spectators" (179–80). Below, we suggest an alternative conception that builds on these efforts but jettisons the term religion from this comparison. Specifically, we argue that sacred and religion are not interchangeable terms, and make a clear distinction between the two.
3. Fan devotion as sacred: An alternative conception
[3.1] We believe it is more accurate to conceptualize fan devotion as part of a broader landscape of sacred activities that transcend the concept of religion. Emile Durkheim's famous analysis in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life ([1912] 1995) is an inspiration in this regard. Unfortunately, his definition of religion in terms of "beliefs and practices relative to sacred things" (44) has also led to a conflation of the two, meaning scholars often refer to religion and sacred (and spiritual) as virtually synonymous. The two are closely related, as religion is a prime source of the sacred, but there are many other sources of the sacred that are not religions. For example, the family and the nation are deeply sacred; they are prime sources of identity and heritage, with powerful symbols, origin stories, and rituals; they transmit important values, which are themselves sacred; and they inspire the great sacrifice on their behalf (Bellah 1967; Koenigsberg 2009; Lynch 2012a, 2012b; Marvin and Ingle 1996). Individuals are also sacred, having become the fundamental unit of social organization. Indeed, it is individuals (rather than families and nations) that have been granted an expansive array of human rights, freedoms, and entitlements, all of which are grounded in the belief that every human being is fundamentally equal, sacred, and inviolable (Elliott 2007; Joas 2008). Finally, with the rise of Donald Trump in the United States, some commentators have recognized the sacred dimensions of political candidates, parties, and ideologies (Gerson 2019; Jacoby 2019; Sullivan 2018). For much of the twentieth century, Marxist-Leninism inspired revolutions and the restructuring of whole societies in line with sacred beliefs, principles, and the heroic deeds of their founders (Ellul 1975; Boli 1981).
[3.2] Understandably, there have been many attempts in fandom studies to apply Durkheim's insights from The Elementary Forms, particularly regarding totems, rituals, and collective effervescence (Duffett 2012; Löbert 2012; Serazio 2012). These are important applications that highlight how central features of a religion can also be present in different fandoms. We also recognize the striking similarities here. However, we believe these efforts should be situated within a broader conception of fandoms as sacred, first and foremost. In other words, fans adopt and adorn totems, perform specific rituals, and experience collective effervescence precisely because their fandoms have been sacralized in some way; it does not necessarily make them religions as such. Most importantly, in response to our own critique above, scholars should be specific about how they conceptualize the term sacred. We follow recent efforts to develop a sociology of the sacred that explores a secular landscape of devotional experiences beyond conventional religion as the basic point of reference (Demerath 1999, 2007; Laderman 2009; Lynch 2012a, 2012b; Smith 2014). There is tremendous variation in this landscape, as there is across the religious landscape. Nonetheless, while there is endless debate about what defines a religion, there is greater consensus about what defines something as sacred (note 4). Once again, Durkheim laid the foundation.
[3.3] As summarized by W. S. F. Pickering (1984), Durkheim's sociology of religion refers to the sacred as that which is collectively recognized as consecrated or holy, set apart from the profane, esteemed and not to be desecrated, dignified and transcendent, and powerful (in a benevolent or malevolent sense). The profane is an important counterpart of the sacred, since it refers to things that are ordinary and mundane, or purely idiosyncratic and individualistic; in this sense, it is the antithesis of things that are collectively viewed as powerful and holy. But, equally important, Durkheim also referred to the profane as something sacrilegious that could desecrate and defile the sacred (Pickering 1984).
[3.4] Christian Smith (2014) expands on this foundation and describes the sacred as "things set apart from the profane and forbidden to be violated…as if they were holy…[that] have particular powers to motivate and direct human action on their behalf and for their protection" (1–2). Thus, sacred things are never ordinary, he explains, but are revered, inspiring, and defended as sacrosanct. Also building on Durkheim, Gordon Lynch describes the sacred "as a social form that shapes communal identity, values and experiences of collective effervescence…[and] acts as a non-negotiable marker of essential values or boundaries" (2012a, 54). He emphasizes the diversity of sacred forms in the secular world, and how each one can be associated with particular symbols, discourses, sentiments, and practices by the groups that are drawn to them. Finally, Gary Laderman (2009) adds that "what is considered sacred becomes a vital source of empowerment and ultimate investments, and is connected to human inspirations and desires, meaningful actions and attitudes, and social identities and community affiliations" (xiv).
[3.5] Since there is considerable overlap here, we have set out to identify dimensions of the sacred, instead of trying to formulate an absolute definition. Definitions are necessarily broad and need to encompass a wide variety of examples, regardless of diversity. Dimensions, on the other hand, can be used to organize and specify some of this diversity while still seeing the commonalities between different examples. In addition, they can be used as guides for how to measure particular aspects of a complex phenomenon. Based on the conceptions summarized above, we identify seven dimensions of the sacred. These are not exhaustive or exclusive, and they may overlap. Thus, we welcome further discussion and debate about them (table 1) (note 5).
[3.6] First, the sacred is special, not ordinary; it stands out as something unique, important, and extraordinary. Second, the sacred is holy; it is hallowed, blessed, and worshipped. As such, it should never be defiled or desecrated. Third, the sacred is powerful; it is a potent force that garners great respect, fear, and awe. Fourth, the sacred is transcendent and absolute; it is revered and dignified as something above and beyond the individual level of everyday affairs, and is not contingent upon them. Fifth, the sacred is inspiring; it empowers and motivates us; it evokes emotion and directs human behavior on its behalf. Sixth, the sacred provides meaning; it is a source of essential values and purpose. Seventh, the sacred provides identity; it shapes collective affiliation and personal identity.
[3.7] Since the sacred can take a wide variety of forms, both religious and secular, we should not expect every dimension to be equally present across this landscape; some dimensions will be more relevant than others, depending on the example, and not every dimension has to be present for something to be sacred. Nonetheless, we use them as concrete indicators that can be observed and measured to determine if, and to what degree, fan interests are sacred to their members. Below, we describe our study that seeks to do precisely that.
4. Data and analysis
[4.1] We focus our study on fan communities in the realm of Comic-Con culture (note 6). This term refers to specific interests—comic books, superheroes, science fiction, anime and manga, games, cosplay, and related movies and television shows—that are part and parcel of comic book conventions and have exploded in popularity in recent decades (Elliott 2018; MacDonald 2013; Woo et al. 2020). As such, our work is inspired by prior studies about conventions and how they can be important social spaces where fans enthusiastically celebrate their interests, find community and belonging, and cultivate personal identity, as well as sites of consumerism and corporate publicity (Bolling and Smith 2014; Jenkins 2012; Kington 2015; Spurlock 2011). However, we did not study conventions per se, nor did we collect data about the consumerist practices of fans that would allow us to speak to arguments about "consumerism as religion" (Ritzer 2005). Rather, these studies helped focus our attention on fans of Comic-Con culture and how their devotion reflects potentially sacred experiences that need further data and analysis. Thus, to measure the variation of sacred experiences, and to gather systematic information from fans, we designed an anonymous twenty-six-question survey that could be taken in a relatively short period of time at Comic-Cons. To administer the survey at each convention, we rented an exhibitor booth, secured advertising in the official program, and offered a $5 gift card as incentive. Anyone eighteen years or older could take the survey, either in person or electronically via Google Forms. On average, it took ten minutes for respondents to complete the survey. Specifically, it includes the following items (note 7):
- [4.2]Questions 1 and 2 ask respondents to identify and rank their most prominent fan-related interests and activities from 1 (most favorite) to 5 (least favorite).
- Questions 3–6 gauge level of devotion by asking respondents how often they engage in their fan-related activities, how often they interact with other fans, and how important their interests and activities are in their lives.
- Questions 7–14 operationalize dimensions of the sacred and ask respondents how much they agree or disagree that their interests are special and unique in their lives, give inspiration and purpose, are a source of meaning and morality, involve something powerful, and provide transcendence. These include open-ended questions that are designed to elicit additional information.
- Questions 15 and 16 juxtapose the degree to which fans experience solidarity versus conflict with other fans.
- Questions 17–19 consider other explanations for why people become devoted fans: as a means of self-expression; they are introduced and socialized by family members or friends; or they are following current, popular trends.
- Questions 20 and 21 ask about one form of transgression—criticizing it or making fun of one's fandom—and how much this bothers fans.
- Finally, questions 22–26 collect demographic information that are common variables in social scientific research: age, gender, race, education, and income.
[4.3] To evaluate the data gathering process and get initial feedback from respondents, the survey was pilot-tested at two conventions in the Baltimore area in 2017 and 2018. While the results were very encouraging, we ended up modifying the survey and have excluded the pilot data from this analysis. Formal data gathering was conducted at six conventions in a wider range of cities in the mid-Atlantic region of the United States between 2018 and 2022 (table 2). We also distributed the survey at a local comic book shop and continue to pick up a limited number of online responses through word of mouth. We intended to use the responses gathered outside of Comic-Cons as a comparison group to identify potential differences that may be induced by the excitement of the conventions. However, with fewer than seventy external responses, they remain in the full data set of 508 responses.
[4.4] At the end of the survey, respondents are prompted to consider a follow-up interview to explore in greater depth why people become devoted fans and what role their interests play in their everyday lives. Indeed, there is ample research about how fans can engage with their interests in different social spaces and phases of life (Duits et al. 2016). Therefore, unlike the survey, which is open to all convention-goers, interviews are more selective, targeting dedicated fans. The anonymous, semistructured interviews consist of fifteen questions that build on survey responses and seek information about fan engagement across space and time. For example, regarding fan interests, we ask how they originally got interested, who introduced them, and if they remember any seminal moments. Regarding fan activities, we ask them to take us through a typical week and what they feel like when they engage in their activities. We ask if their interactions with fans are positive or negative and, regarding transgressions and the profane, if they consider anything inappropriate or out-of-bounds regarding their fandom. Finally, we try to probe why they are fans of their interests—what are they drawn to specifically, why is it important, how does it shape their life and who they've become? To ensure anonymity, all reported names are pseudonyms.
[4.5] For the closed-ended survey questions, we developed a coding scheme to quantify responses, which were then entered into a spreadsheet for summary statistics and tables. In contrast, the open-ended questions and interviews were analyzed using qualitative content analysis, described below. Table 3 presents demographic information for 508 respondents, a valuable dataset given the lack of systematic data in fandom studies. The sample skews young, with over half the sample under age 40. The gender distribution has an equal breakdown between male and female, with a small percentage identifying as nonbinary/third gender, challenging the male-dominated perception of Comic-Con interests. The sample is predominantly white (70 percent), though we have been able to slightly close the gap by attending a more diverse array of conventions in different cities. The sample skews highly educated, with 80 percent holding a two-year college degree or higher, and 33 percent with a graduate degree, undermining the stereotype that comic book interests are for children. Finally, income-wise, 52 percent earn less than $50,000 a year, 30 percent earn between $50,000 and $100,000, and 18 percent earn over $100,000, indicating that most attendees are not particularly wealthy.
[4.6] As mentioned above, questions 7–14 seek to operationalize dimensions of the sacred. Some of them ask respondents how much they agree or disagree with particular statements using a Likert scale (questions 8, 9, 11, and 13) and some ask for follow-up information and are open-ended (questions 10, 12, and 14). Table 4 summarizes the percentage of responses for each Likert scale question and aggregates the responses into two comparison groups (percentage strongly agree/agree versus percentage neither/disagree/strongly disagree). Overall, the results are striking; a sizable proportion of respondents agreed or strongly agreed with each statement, but this varied by dimension. Dimension 1 (the sacred as special) is the most prominent. Here, 89 percent of respondents agreed or strongly agreed with the statement "being a fan of [my favorite interests] involves experiences that occupy a unique and special place in my life." Only 12 percent disagreed, strongly disagreed, or were ambivalent (i.e., neither). Dimension 3 (the sacred as powerful) is the least prominent. Here, the same split is roughly fifty-fifty, though the largest proportion of respondents (41 percent) were ambivalent toward the statement "being a fan of [my favorite interests] involves something powerful and important that deserves my attention and respect." In and of itself, this is powerful evidence that fans can experience their interests as sacred in different ways and to varying degrees, but we uncovered much more.
[4.7] To gather more detailed information from respondents who agreed or strongly agreed with certain statements, we developed open-ended questions for elaboration (see questions 10, 12, and 14). The responses were diverse and very rich in detail. Thus, we conducted a qualitative or "emergent" content analysis to identify patterns and prominent themes (Julien et al. 2008; Neuendorf 2017). This process was inductive, as we let the themes emerge from our analysis, and it was iterative, as we went back and forth over the data to revise our coding. Specifically, our analysis involved the following: Taking one question at a time, we individually read through all the responses multiple times and created a list of initial themes on our own. Next, we compared the themes we found, looking for similarities and differences. Overall, there was significant overlap in our analyses. We both documented virtually the same patterns but aggregated them in slightly different ways. Thus, an intercoder reliability score was unnecessary. Our main task was merging and condensing our analyses into a manageable number of themes. After deliberation, we agreed on twenty themes for question 10, fourteen themes for question 12, and sixteen themes for question 14, using respondents' language to name the themes. Finally, we went back through every response for each question and systematically coded it with one or more themes (up to a maximum of five).
[4.8] The in-depth interviews also reveal substantial insights into how people experience their fan interests. We analyzed fifteen transcripts, using the same method as above but, given their lengthiness, did not make a definitive coding scheme. Nonetheless, we are confident that the themes we identified are valid and distinct. In sum, we carefully read each of the transcripts on our own, looking for prominent themes to emerge and highlighting blocks of text that supported each theme. Next, we compared our findings and, instead of creating a comprehensive list of themes and going back through the transcripts, we pulled out a small number of prominent themes and quotes that they readily had in common. Altogether, the results of these analyses add much greater depth to Table 4 and flesh out what the dimensions of the sacred mean in the context of Comic-Con culture. Specifically, we highlight five prominent themes about how fans experience their interests as sacred.
5. Comic-Con culture as moral and ethical
[5.1] Our results strongly support the presence of dimension 6 (the sacred provides meaning) in Comic-Con culture. To measure this dimension, question 10 on our survey asks respondents to describe what specific values or moral lessons they have learned through their fan interests. Table 5 lists the most prominent themes that we identified and, interestingly, the most common one involved learning values of inclusivity and diversity. Out of 318 responses, 88 (28 percent) highlighted this theme, reflecting how fans have learned to appreciate and embrace individuals from diverse backgrounds. For example, one respondent simply wrote that they have learned "to accept and include anyone, regardless of size, gender, race, sexual orientation, fandom, etc." Another shared, "I think that fandoms help people overcome a prejudice that certain activities or interests are 'dorky' or 'lowbrow' or somehow less worthy of attention or serious consideration than other more 'valid' forms of art or culture." And some mention a particular component of their fan interests related to this theme, such as Star Trek's emphasis on infinite diversity in infinite combinations (IDIC).
[5.2] The same theme was prominent in multiple interviews. For example, in 2018, we talked with Jesus from Philadelphia, who was twenty-seven years old, and self-identified as an Afro-Latino male. His lifelong interest in comic books, and the reactions from others about this interest, made him a more open person: "I feel that reading comics and having that in my life has definitely made me more accepting of people, because people would make fun of me about comic books, but they would never ask me why I read it or how I got into it. So it's like instead of doing that, why not ask them about themselves? Why not be more open to it? […] So I think it just made me more open to people, if that makes sense." In the same year, we talked to Jenna from Owings Mills, Maryland who was twenty-eight years old, and self-identified as a white female. She was an avid video game player and expert cosplayer. For Jenna, the storytelling in some of her favorite games had a powerful impact on her: "I think there's a lot of inspiration to be taken from a lot of these stories. […] I think that's part of the reason why Golden Sun always stuck with me, is because that change in perspective, between the first two games, it forces you to look at that world and that story in a different way. And I would say that I try to look at things from all possible perspectives."
[5.3] Another theme that emerged from question 10 (in 18 percent of responses) is the exploration of morality. These fans have developed a keen sense of right and wrong from their interests, which shape their values and moral beliefs. For example, one respondent shared, "Comics, in particular superhero comics, have always focused on issues of justice, inequality, power dynamics, and the ethics around things like use of force, etc. all of which have affected my own feelings and beliefs about ethical behavior." Others reference proverbs or philosophies from their favorite characters, such as Spider-Man ("'With great power comes great responsibility' - Spider-Man/Stan Lee. I feel like this quote can be used in daily life in a variety of settings, i.e., work, relationships, etc.") and Albus Dumbledore ("A very specific quote from Harry Potter comes to mind: 'We must choose between what is right & what is easy.'"). Some of the responses are fascinating in their detail, such as this one about Star Wars and the Jedi: "I think that the 'hero's journey' in any form or medium is culturally important and how its [sic] portrayed can reflect how anyone develops their mores or beliefs. Personally, Star Wars, for me, personifies how to go about treating the world around me and trying to do 'the next right thing.' The Jedi, though not perfect, help me have a personal code in how I treat people. 'Protect the innocent' is also a recurring theme. If 'Jedi' were a real religion I'd probably be an active participant."
6. Comic-Con culture as creative and inspiring
[6.1] We had very interesting findings related to dimension 3 (the sacred as powerful) among fans of Comic-Con culture. To measure this dimension, question 12 on our survey asks respondents to describe what they experience as powerful and important that deserves their attention and respect. Once again, the themes we identified represent a fascinating depth of sentiment and highlight the profound impact that fan interests can have on people's lives (table 6). They also overlap with other dimensions, particularly the inspiring and empowering aspects of dimension 5. To start, just over a quarter of respondents (27 percent) expressed that their fan interests provide them with a fertile ground for creativity, allowing them to either appreciate the specific art form or express their own creativity. For example, one respondent wrote, "Anime & manga (as well as cosplay) is an art form of self-expression and it creates an [outlet] for individuals to express themselves freely." Another remarked, "Being a fan of tabletop RPGs allows me to create collaborative stories with others. I consider this storytelling powerful and important."
[6.2] Many respondents (13 percent) also credited their interests with inspiring them to accept themselves, express their identity, or strive for personal growth, in addition to serving as guiding forces that enrich their lives. Some expressed this theme very succinctly and wrote, for example, "Being part of my fandoms has taught me self-respect and confidence in my own skin which is powerful & important" and "I feel complete and like myself whenever I engage in my special interest." It can be difficult to articulate such sentiments, as we saw in this response: "It's hard to describe, but nothing really makes me feel more 'alive' than engaging in fandom; while it feels important, it's tough to determine why. Maybe just a sign that it should be a career path? Or that some of the messages that these pieces of media carry along should be spread to others?"
[6.3] Finally, an equal number of respondents (13 percent) also noted the intense emotional experiences evoked by their fan interests, attesting to the deep connections and profound impact they feel. For example: "It unleashes the things I'm passionate about - triggers drive, contentment, and excitement for the future"; "It brings enjoyment and helps me connect with people through gaming"; and "It is a way to experience strong emotions in a safe environment, as well as process emotions and life events in my own life." One also referenced "the magic that brings everyone together through mutual love for certain things." Only a limited number of respondents (4 percent) attributed power and importance to the idea that their interests offer an escape from reality.
7. Comic-Con culture as community
[7.1] Our findings related to dimension 4 (the sacred as transcendent) were quite clear. To measure this dimension, question 14 asks respondents to describe what they experience as larger and more important than themselves. Table 7 lists the prominent themes we identified, and, by a large margin, a majority (53 percent) assert that the community fostered by their fan interests embodies this sentiment. Here, respondents emphasized the profound sense of fellowship, solidarity, and shared concern within fan groups and their collective interests, illustrating a belief that this community is immensely important to them. Encapsulating this sentiment, one respondent simply said, "Being a part of a fandom has allowed me to engage with others of similar interests and allowed me to be a part of a larger community." Many respondents also noted their connections to specific fan groups within Comic-Con culture, such as gaming, cosplay, comic books, anime, and so on. Highlighting the power of these connections, one respondent also said, "As an atheist, there's not much I believe in. Being a fan has inspired me to believe in people, and that there is some purpose to my life."
[7.2] Additionally, many respondents (11 percent) noted the close-knit bonds forged through their fan interests, such as the friendships, familial relationships, and collaborative endeavors that have flourished within these communities. These interpersonal connections are seen as more important than individual interests. Regarding familial bonds, one respondent shared, "It has grown the bond between my son and I. Because he LOVES comics." Many also noted the long-term friendships that they established through their interests. For example, one remarked, "Having a casual interest in Stargate and Supernatural ultimately connected me to lifelong friends." Another said, "The groups I've found and participated in as a result of my fandom have given me decades long friendships that span the globe." Notice that "fan community" and "human connections" were also prominent themes in Table 6, such that respondents also viewed them as powerful and important.
8. Comic-Con culture as sanctuary
[8.1] A powerful theme from the interviews was how fan interests can be a sanctuary that is uplifting and helps people cope with difficulties in their lives. In 2019, we met with Emma from Gwynn Oaks, Maryland, who was thirty-one years old, and self-identified as a white female. She was candid about her struggles with anxiety and depression, and how her work as a creator kept her stable: "So the thing about my own [comic] work is that it's my healthiest coping mechanism. […] Comics is like a really good way to be in the moment. I'm very bad about staying present and working on comics makes me stay present." In 2018, we talked with Mel from Philadelphia, who was thirty-nine years old, and self-identified as a Caucasian male. He also divulged mental health issues and incidents of bullying when he was younger, but his involvement in board game tournaments and Dungeons & Dragons offered a safe space: "So when I'm playing games with people, I'm not anxious. I'm not thinking about things that are going on. I can kind of put away all the things that go on in my day-to-day life. […] A lot of the times I feel like I'm being judged by people all the time, or I can't be my true self for things like that, and I feel like when I'm doing these things, I can really be me. So, it's more about letting myself be my true self and not feeling, or not caring, about the others around me that are judging me while I'm consuming this type of content."
[8.2] Similarly, the interviews also revealed how people's fan interests can be a source of hope. In 2019, we talked to Tony from Columbia, Maryland who was forty-three years old, and self-identified as a Caucasian male. He was looking back on American society in recent years and how his interests in Star Wars and science fiction gave him an escape from the world, but also faith in humanity: "I feel like in the last couple years, our culture has had this really dark shift with respect to the current [Trump] administration. […] Like sometimes you just need an escape like to know that there's a—even though completely fake, right—but there's a world out there with people that actually believe in doing good. I know those people exist here." Returning to Jesus from Philadelphia, he felt that comic books were indispensable to his daily life because they lift him up: "[Comics] is something I'll just never lose. I can't picture myself without it because I feel like it keeps me, I don't wanna say grounded, but it keeps me hopeful. It keeps me going in a way."
[8.3] Interestingly, this theme did not emerge as a direct response to a particular question and seems to embody multiple dimensions of the sacred. Indeed, similar sentiments emerged from the survey. For example, "coping" was a minor theme in Table 6, as something powerful and important. And "optimism" was a minor theme in Table 5, as a learned value.
9. Toxic fandom as sacrilegious
[9.1] Finally, we were curious about what devoted fans consider potentially sacrilegious. Thus, we ended the interviews by asking if fans consider anything inappropriate or out-of-bounds regarding their fan interests. This question usually made them pause, but virtually every interviewee who answered in the affirmative referred to instances of "toxic fandom." Specifically, some bemoaned the practice of gatekeeping, where established or long-time fans are rude and deny entry to new fans. Some were very critical of intolerance, such as sexism, racism, and homophobia. And some mentioned harassment and lack of boundaries as inappropriate. This takes at least two forms. One form is administered by fans against creators when they disapprove of artistic decisions, such as new storylines or character creations, and express extreme anger or negativity. Another form is administered by fans (usually male) against cosplayers (usually female). Hence, the phrase "cosplay is not consent" is often promoted at Comic-Cons and as a response to sexual harassment and the breach of appropriate physical boundaries.
10. Discussion and conclusion
[10.1] These results provide powerful evidence that many people's experiences with Comic-Con culture go beyond entertainment. While fans do find entertainment and an escape from the mundane, our study reveals that many also experience their interests as sacred in different ways. The statements in Table 4, reflecting different dimensions, resonate with a large proportion of respondents. Their interests occupy a unique and special place in their lives: They derive purpose and inspiration from them, they learn important values from them, they involve something powerful and important, and they inspire them to believe in something larger than themselves. Moreover, how respondents articulate their agreement with these statements is quite profound. Our analysis of open-ended responses and interview transcripts reveal five prominent themes that highlight what these dimensions mean in the context of Comic-Con culture. First, Comic-Con culture is moral and ethical; it is a source of essential values and principles that guide behavior. Second, Comic-Con culture is creative and inspiring; it fosters individual creativity and greater self-appreciation, and sparks passion and enjoyment. Third, Comic-Con culture is community; it supports fellowship, solidarity, and close-knit bonds with other fans and family members. Fourth, Comic-Con culture is a sanctuary; it provides a safe space for fans to be themselves, helps them cope with personal struggles, and inspires hope in humanity. Finally, while toxic fandom exists and should not be glossed over, the vast majority of people that we interviewed explicitly deemed this kind of behavior as out-of-bounds.
[10.2] Given the breadth of sacred experiences presented here, some may still ask, "How is Comic-Con culture not a religion?" This is a valid question and one that we are willing to debate. In short, if Comic-Con culture is a religion to a significant proportion of fans, then many other domains of popular culture (e.g., sports, music, celebrity) would also be religions. As argued above, these experiences may qualify as a religion in a functional sense but not in a substantive sense. In our view, fandoms are not religions; they are groups of enthusiasts that share a passion for particular aspects of popular culture and that sacralize them and express their devotion, to varying degrees, through particular activities, symbols, and sentiments. They are not devoted to something supernatural or superhuman beyond the realm of human experience. While fandoms have proliferated and become highly organized in recent decades through the rise of social media and the internet, as well as conventions and festival events, they are a sacred form that is based in a secular world—one among many.
[10.3] Moving forward, our results raise additional questions that are worth exploring. Starting with respondent demographics, fans are notably young. Is this an artifact of sampling at conventions, such that younger people are more likely to attend these events, or are fandoms more important in early stages of life? Are there variations between different types of fans (e.g., sci-fi fans versus cosplayers versus gamers) and how they experience their interests and activities? For example, do gamers learn the same kind of moral values as science fiction fans? Regarding race, are fandoms more central to whites than other racial and ethnic groups? Once again, we don't think this is the case. As scholars have recently argued (Pande 2020; Zubernis and Davis 2016), fan studies research needs to be more sensitive to issues of race, international representation, and the potential impacts of academic research on different fan communities. Finally, do respondents outside the Comic-Con environment have similar or dissimilar experiences? We hope to address these questions, and many others, in future research.
11. Acknowledgment
This study was approved by IRB protocol #1803032683 (Towson University).