1. Introduction
[1.1] Cosplay, a portmanteau of costume and play, is the practice of wearing a costume inspired by a fictional character from media including literature, films, television shows, comic books, video games, and other popular texts. As a practice, cosplay is the craft of the costume and the performance of the character in a public or virtual space, such as sharing an image on social media platforms like Instagram or on websites such as Cosplay.com (Galbraith 2013). Fandom conventions for popular genre media, such as science fiction and fantasy, are typical physical sites for cosplay. Cosplayers, or individuals who make and/or wear cosplay, typically convene at conventions to pay homage to their favorite media franchises and to interact with other aficionados while wearing their costumes.
[1.2] Cosplay is often an expressive, affective practice that demonstrates a passion for a particular media text and/or fictional character (Hale 2014; Lamerichs 2011, 2013; Peirson-Smith 2013). The play associated with this fannish activity has been linked to gendered performativity, especially when self-identified women dress as male characters and vice versa (Norris and Bainbridge 2009). Here, it is important to recognize that cosplay might involve both performance (i.e., enactment) as well as performativity (i.e., practice/doing). Cosplayers who dress up as characters who are a different gender than their self-identified gender, a practice called crossplay (combining crossdress and cosplay), may be engaging in a kind of identity play or alternative gender performativity in which gender is done (Butler 1993; Connell 1999; West and Zimmerman 1987). Sex, the socially agreed upon criteria for being male or female, is determined by genitalia, while gender is the extent to which an individual identifies as masculine or feminine. In social interactions, sex categorization occurs when an actor is identified as fitting the mental model of male or female and is placed into either category by another—regardless of how the actor being labelled actually identifies (West and Zimmerman). Doing gender, according to Butler (1990), is the enactment of a social identity assigned to individuals at birth. The social construction of bodies as having gender is regulated by societal discourses on what is and is not permissible for each binary sex category. Crossplay is typically not undertaken as a form of parody or gender exaggeration but rather aims for an authentic transformation of a mundane, gendered body into a cross-gender body of a mediated character. Case studies and participant-observation studies have revealed that crossplay challenges existing gender norms (Hjorth 2009; Lamerichs 2011; Norris and Bainbridge 2009), yet others have doubted that the practice is transformative or a move toward reconceptualizing traditional gender schemas (Gn 2011). Moreover, cosplay does not occur in a vacuum; crossplay activities at conventions may involve photoshoots and acted skits in which embodiment of the character becomes salient for performers and spectators. Reactions to crossplay might provide insight on how such practices are interpreted, encouraged, and/or discouraged according to gender norms. It is clear that more research is needed to understand the ways in which crossplay may disrupt normative gender schemas and/or perpetuate the status quo.
[1.3] To explore whether crossplay is motivated by a desire to perform an alternative gender, an online questionnaire with closed– and open-ended questions was distributed. The answers were analyzed for the present study. Results suggest that most respondents found crossplay enjoyable because it allowed them to express their attachment to a favorite fictional character rather than because it allowed them to perform alternative gender identities. While some respondents indicated that crossplay was perceived as a (mostly) acceptable way to present themselves as another gender, their costumes were normative or slightly exaggerated in nature. Spectator feedback suggests that self-identified men and nonbinary individuals who chose to dress up as feminine characters incurred social penalties such as mockery and masculinity challenges. These findings are discussed in consideration of several gender theories, including Butler's (1990, 1993) notion of gender performativity, Connell's (1995) theory of gender as body-reflexive practice, and West and Zimmerman's (1987) concept of "doing gender."
2. Who are cosplayers?
[2.1] The term costume play was coined by Japanese game designer Takahashi Nobuyuki after he observed fan-made costumes at a Los Angeles science fiction convention (Winge 2006). Thereafter, costume play was shortened to the portmanteau cosplay and was embraced at Japanese anime and manga conventions (Winge). Today, the global exchange of media texts has facilitated a globalized cosplay culture in which North Americans and Europeans dress as Japanese anime characters and Asians dress up as American Marvel superheroes (Lamerichs 2011, 2013; Peirson-Smith 2013; Winge 2006). The typical cosplay convention space in North America and Europe affords various degrees of performance that range from scripted, staged skits to simply roaming the venue in costume and connecting with other fans (Lamerichs 2013).
[2.2] Conventions are generally an inclusive environment where individuals may violate gendered norms and expectations, since costumed dress is expected. However, it should be noted that while cosplayers are generally drawn to the inclusive atmosphere of the cosplay community at conventions (Lome 2016), there are cases of documented sexual harassment and assault experienced by cosplayers—particularly women (Close 2016; Cosplay Deviants 2018; Nigatu 2013). Thus, when I label cosplay and crossplay as safe performances at conventions, I am making a comparison with day-to-day life, in which gender-nonconforming dress and performativity may be perceived as socially taboo or confusing in Western cultures (West and Zimmerman 1987), rather than to suggest that sexual harassment or assault do not occur.
[2.3] Cosplayers at conventions are viewed, photographed, and filmed by other attendees. The cosplay spectacle is often a highlight of convention culture, and media industries have taken notice. Cosplayers have an increasing presence and importance in the culture industries (Hjorth 2009), with some cosplayers being hired to increase fan engagement and leverage brands to new consumers. Media producers promote cosplayers in online contests, circulate their photos on social media, and host costume competitions at conventions. For instance, video game companies sponsor cosplay videos shot by professional videographers at large gaming conventions (League of Legends 2018). Irrational Games hired a cosplayer to represent the heroine of BioShock Infinite at events (Levine 2012), and more recently, a cosplayer portraying a female character from an upcoming fighting game was featured prominently in an online advertisement video (Soulcalibur 2018). A cosplayer who becomes the sponsored face of a character for marketing purposes highlights the complexity of media convergence practices in which consumers are increasingly active participants in media production processes (Jenkins 2006). Yet only a few notable cosplayers break such ground. Cosplay is typically pursued as a creative endeavor that signifies fannish status.
[2.4] At the global level, cosplays represent sign systems that bridge communities of fans: a cosplayer dressed as a Jedi is probably a Star Wars fan (Hale 2014). At the individual level, cosplay involves identity play through the creative appropriation of popular culture and performance (Kirkpatrick 2015; Lamerichs 2011, 2013; Rahman, Wing-sun, and Cheung 2012). Cosplay is a transformative practice involving not only mimetic crafting and clothing but also imitation through poses (Peirson-Smith 2013) and speech, such as character catchphrases (Hale 2014). Kirkpatrick labels this behavior "embodied translation" since a cosplayer's material actualization of the character will never fully realize the authenticity of the source text. Even so, the derivative and performative qualities of cosplay provide opportunities for self-expression through the embodiment of fictional characters, as aspects of a cosplayer's identity may entwine with that of the fictional character (Amon 2014; Peirson-Smith). Indeed, cosplayers in Hong Kong expressed that cosplay was, for them, a form of identity transformation and escapism (Rahman, Wing-sun, and Cheung). The extant research thus suggests that some cosplayers are motivated by the opportunity to embody an alternative identity.
3. Cosplay and gender at the convention
[3.1] The referential nature of cosplay, combined with the cosplayer's affective attachment to a media character, may result in a cosplayer's modeling a character's personality or performing aspects of their identity. Cosplay involves adapting and embodying a character physically, and some cosplayers transform a character for their own purposes through cosplay (Hale 2014). Original characters may be embellished, reinterpreted, and reimagined through creative play, such as through crossplay. When a woman crossplays as a male character, the original character is translated via embodiment on a different body (Kirkpatrick 2015), with practices such as chest binding typically undertaken to modify female-signifying traits of the crossplayer's body (Okabe 2012). Costumed dress, makeup, and gendered body language may be strategies employed by a female-to-male crossplayer in translating her female body as a masculine one. Thus, the crossplay practice reveals the performativity of different genders on bodies (Butler 1990, 1993), in which certain bodies may not necessarily predispose a particular kind of gendered behavior.
[3.2] For some, crossplay may be an alternative practice of doing gender, or a way to challenge the socially and psychologically ingrained constructs of normative gender practices (West and Zimmerman 1987). However, Gn (2011) argues that conscious gender politics are virtually absent within the cosplay community and critiques the theoretical underpinnings of subversion in current arguments about cosplay: "To conclude that cosplayers are only subverting established gender roles…negate[s] the affective qualities of the image that are being embodied by the performer" (586). Gn asserts that the primary motivation for cosplay involves an intense fixation with the fictional character and questions whether crossplayers consciously devote their craft to gender performativity. Indeed, female-to-male crossplayers who perform as characters from boys' love (yaoi) narratives have been shown to be motivated by an affective attachment to the homosexual pairing rather than a desire to perform a male gender identity (King 2013). There are also practical reasons that motivate women to dress up as male characters: some women crossplay as male characters to deter sexual harassment (Hale 2014).
[3.3] However, Gn's (2011) argument that crossplay is devoid of gender politics is problematized by Connell's (1999) position that gender is a social practice that constantly refers to bodies and what bodies do. According to Connell, bodies are both agents and objects, making gender practices body reflexive yet external to the individual. Because crossplay involves the costumed embodiment of a gender other than one's self-identified gender, it may also involve the different bodily practices associated with the gender of the fictional character. Thus, crossplay may be subversive to the extent that it enables a wider range of gendered practices beyond the heteronormative. Crossplay may also provide a relatively safe way for individuals to experiment with their bodies, gender performativity, and identity. Indeed, crossplayers, regardless of gender identity and intention, engage in the queering of gender roles beyond heteronormative behaviors (Norris and Bainbridge 2009).
[3.4] Gender is highly performative, encompassing what an individual does rather than is, and such practices materialize gender ideals and roles in society (Butler 1993; Connell 1999; West and Zimmerman 1987). Yet, extant research has not investigated whether crossplayers themselves are motivated to crossplay to embody alternative gender identities and whether this practice leads to bodies that are freed from the seemingly natural gender discourses mapped onto biology (Butler 1990). As such, this study asks whether some crossplayers are motivated to crossplay to explore their gender identity.
[3.5] Some forms of crossplay may be perceived as more acceptable than others. When a self-identified woman dresses as a male character, this act may arouse less scrutiny than when a self-identified man dresses as a female character. The female-to-male crossplayer is seen as moving up the gender hierarchy as a result of a cultural belief that masculinity is associated with authority and power (Connell 1987, 1995). Previous research has shown that women feel empowered when they crossplay but that men feel disempowered (Peirson-Smith 2013; Rahman, Wing-sun, and Cheung 2012).
[3.6] Okabe (2012) observed female-to-male crossplay in Japan as conveying an alternative masculinity outside heteronormativity—a kind of masculinity typically only found in Japanese manga, anime, and video games, where masculinity includes beauty and/or androgyny. Indeed, the proliferation of androgynous or beautiful male characters in digital games may provide opportunities for self-identified females to engage with "new 'flexible' modes of gender performativity" (Hjorth 2009, ¶ 14) that are deemed acceptable for their physical bodies and facial features. Yet the observations of Hjorth and Okabe perhaps speak to the notion that women may embody effeminate male characters though crossplay because such portrayals convey the femininized, discursively coded traits of the characters. Similarly, King (2013) argues that the male characters typically found in boy's love narratives cannot be convincingly performed by male cosplayers because the original source material features extremely feminized men who are emotionally gendered as more female than male. Thus, female-to-male crossplay may be particularly accepted within the cosplay community when the source character embodies traditionally feminine personality traits and features. But because femininity has historically been seen as inferior to masculinity, male-to-female crossplayers may incur a social penalty for deviating from the status quo associated with their gender (Connell 1987, 1995). Since previous research on crossplay did not engage with spectator responses, this study additionally examines how convention attendees reacted to crossplayers.
4. Method
[4.1] I distributed an online survey to assess the social and psychological motivations of cosplayers to wear cosplay costumes at fan conventions, as well as to glean insights on gender performativity in the crossplay community. The questionnaire was approved by a university institutional review board prior to circulation. The survey link was distributed on several websites and message boards dedicated to cosplay and/or fan conventions, including Cosplay.com's forums, the Replicate Prop Forum, SubReddits dedicated to cosplay/crossplay, NerdReactor.com, and my social media accounts and personal WordPress blog. Respondents were encouraged to share the survey with others, which generated a snowball sample of cosplayers. Responses were recorded for a period of about five months to ensure sufficient data collection, as cosplay is a niche hobby among the general population of internet users. All respondents were presented with an informed consent statement at the beginning of the survey, which explained my intent and my background as a cosplayer, fan, and PhD student.
[4.2] The original purpose of the survey was to collect quantitative and qualitative data about the social psychological motivations of respondents to perform cosplay inspired by a favorite fictional media character. Along with demographic questions (e.g., age, occupation, self-identified gender, race/ethnicity, etc.), the names of the respondents' favorite characters portrayed through cosplay and the media franchise that the characters belong to were recorded.
[4.3] Respondents who responded "yes" to a question asking, "Is your favorite character that you have portrayed through cosplay a different sex/gender than your self-identified sex/gender?" were additionally asked about their experiences with crossplay through open-ended questions. These asked about their level of enjoyment with crossplay and the kinds of responses they have received from others while wearing crossplay. The responses to both questions were analyzed for recurring themes about respondents' experiences. Themes were used to make an argument on the emancipatory limitations of gender performativity in the crossplay community.
5. Respondents
[5.1] Respondents were recruited online. They had to proficiently read and write English to complete the survey. Fans who had worn at least one cosplay costume to a fan convention within the past year were invited to participate. Demographic data, including respondents' ages, self-identified genders, race/ethnicity, country of current residence, years of cosplay participation, and number of costumes worn within the past twelve months, were collected. Afterward, respondents were directed to a series of Likert-scale items pertaining to their social psychological motivations for wearing cosplay. Respondents were prompted to consider their favorite cosplay/crossplay character throughout the survey. This prompt was provided to increase the likelihood that respondents would consistently interpret each question considering a single, salient cosplay, improving internal reliability within the sample.
[5.2] Over 260 survey attempts were logged, but the sample was reduced to 171 respondents after incomplete responses were removed. The quantitative data related to general cosplay motivations produced no statistically significant outcomes by self-identified gender, years of participation in cosplay, and number of costumes worn within the past twelve months. Thus, these findings are not reported here. However, a closer inspection of the open-ended questions related to crossplay provided a rich set of data about crossplay experiences. A subsample (n = 67) of the data were analyzed to address the research questions about crossplay. Only data pertaining to crossplayers is reported in the current study.
[5.3] Responses to the question "Is your favorite character that you have portrayed through cosplay a different sex/gender than your self-identified sex/gender? (e.g. a self-identified female portrays a male character; this is also called 'crossplay')" were used as the criterion for having participated in crossplay. To provide a visual reference, I embedded two images: one of myself crossplaying as Loki from the 2012 film The Avengers, and one of actor Tom Hiddleston portraying Loki in the film. However, as individuals who do crossplay may also perform cosplay that conforms to their self-identified gender, given the wording of the question, some respondents who engage with crossplay may have been excluded from the sample, as their favorite cosplay character was not different from their self-identified gender.
[5.4] The ages of respondents who crossplayed ranged from eighteen to fifty-two (mean = 25.86, standard deviation = 7.3). Respondents were asked to provide their self-identified gender. Less than half of the respondents identified as female (38.8 percent) and less than half reported their gender as male (43.3 percent). Nine respondents selected other for their gender (13.4 percent), with these individuals identifying as agender, genderfluid, genderqueer, intersex, nonbinary, and transmasculine genderqueer. Three respondents chose not to answer this question. Most respondents identified as white/Caucasian (n = 51). Table 1 lists participants' race/ethnicity by sex/gender. The majority of respondents currently reside in North America (82.1 percent), followed by Western Europe (10.4 percent), Australia (4.5 percent), China (1.5 percent), and other areas of the world (1.5 percent). The number of years that respondents took part in cosplay was coded into three groups: up to three years of participation (41.8 percent); four to six years (31.3 percent); and seven or more years (26.8 percent).
Table 1. Respondents' race/ethnicity by self-identified gender
| Race/Ethnicity | Male | Female | Other | No Answer | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| White/Caucasian | 17 | 24 | 7 | 3 | 51 |
| Black/African American | 0 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 2 |
| Asian/Pacific Islander | 9 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 9 |
| Latino/Hispanic | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 |
| Other | 0 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 2 |
| No answer | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 |
| Total | 29 | 26 | 9 | 3 | 67 |
6. Results
[6.1] Favorite characters portrayed through crossplay belonged to fifty unique media franchises, including movie series (Star Wars, 1977–), television shows (Supernatural, 2005–), video game series (Assassin's Creed, 2008–), comic books (Batman, 1939–), cartoons (My Little Pony: Friendship Is Magic, 2010–), and Japanese anime/manga (Sailor Moon manga, 1991–97; anime, 1992–97). The two most popular franchises were transmedia texts (Star Wars, 1977–, and Marvel Comics/Marvel Cinematic Universe, 1947–). Respondents were asked via yes/no response whether they enjoyed the experience of crossplaying. Fifty-six respondents (83.58 percent) responded "yes."
[6.2] Two open-ended questions were analyzed for discursive themes using the grounded theory approach (Strauss and Corbin 1990), extracting meaning from participants' lived experiences of crossplay. Analysis followed an open coding procedure in which conceptually similar responses were grouped into emergent themes. Similar themes were grouped into single categories and assigned conceptual labels, capturing the meaning behind the categorization (Strauss and Corbin).
[6.3] The first open-ended question analyzed asked participants who responded "yes" to a yes/no question to elaborate regarding why they enjoyed or did not enjoy their experiences with crossplay. Fifty respondents (74.63 percent) answered this question. Only three responses were not analyzed because of insufficient information (e.g., "looks better"; "it confuses people"). Most of the comments contained enough information pertaining to a single theme, but because participants could write multiple sentences, several comments contained elements of two themes, providing fifty instances total of each theme. Table 2 lists the coded themes by respondents' self-identified gender.
Table 2. Coded themes by respondents' self-identified gender
| Category | Theme | Male | Female | Other | Choose Not to Answer | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Costume/ character | Character trumps gender | 7 | 8 | 2 | 1 | 18 |
| Prefers design of cross-gender characters | 4 | 3 | 3 | 1 | 11 | |
| Challenge/ creativity | 3 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 6 | |
| Be someone different | 3 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 4 | |
| Gender | Explore/express gender | 4 | 3 | 0 | 1 | 8 |
| Body lends itself to crossplay | 0 | 3 | 0 | 1 | 4 | |
| Total | 21 | 20 | 6 | 4 | 51 |
[6.4] The costume-salient category consists of four themes relating to the costume and/or embodiment of a fictional identity. Each theme within this category is discussed in order of frequency (highest to lowest).
[6.5] The character trumps gender (n = 18) theme refers to crossplay as an expression of appreciation for a fictional character, suggesting that the enjoyment derived from crossplay arises from attachment toward a favorite media character regardless of the character's gender.
[6.6] The prefers design of cross-gender characters (n = 11) theme emerged from responses in which participants indicated a preference for the design and outfits of cross-gender characters. Practical considerations, such as comfort of attire, were mentioned.
[6.7] Following this theme, creativity/challenge (n = 6) was expressed as an enjoyable aspect of doing crossplay. Respondents whose answers were categorized under this theme considered crossplay a way to challenge their skill at the cosplay craft.
[6.8] A smaller number of respondents indicated that crossplay simply enabled them to be someone different than their everyday selves, which was categorized as to be someone different (n = 4).
[6.9] The gender-salient category consists of two themes that collectively speak to notions that crossplayers enjoyed cross-gender character costumes for reasons pertaining to gender expression/performativity. Each theme within this category is discussed in order of frequency (highest to lowest).
[6.10] Responses coded as belonging to the explore/express gender (n = 8) theme indicated that crossplay was an outlet for exploring different gender roles and/or to express an alternative gender.
[6.11] The most infrequent theme, body lends itself to crossplay (n = 4), includes answers in which respondents expressed that their physical body was particularly suitable for performing crossplay because their bodies did not strongly signify their self-identified gender.
[6.12] The questionnaire also explored community reactions to crossplay. To address spectator responses to crossplay at conventions, another open-ended question was analyzed: "What types of reactions and/or feedback have you received from other cosplayers or convention attendees when you are dressed as a character that is a different sex/gender than your self-identified sex/gender?" Thirty-six participants replied to this question. Responses were coded as positive when participants expressed that they received approval, praise, or positive reactions from other cosplayers or convention attendees. Although some participants expressed negative responses, these reactions were generally coded as mixed because respondents disclosed both positive and negative reactions to their crossplays.
[6.13] Most responses were thematically positive (n = 30). A minority of respondents indicated that they tended to receive mixed reactions to crossplay (n = 6).
[6.14] A self-identified male who crossplays as Kyouko Kirigiri from the Japanese video games Danganronpa (2010–), commented,
[6.15] Reactions have been entirely positive. Conventions, in my experience, are very diverse and inclusive environments, and all of the feedback I received was warm and supportive. In fact, I received more attention when I was crossplaying than when I was cosplaying male characters—reactions to my cosplays were positive across the board, but perhaps more overtly so when I was crossplaying.
[6.16] Although most respondents reported receiving positive feedback at conventions while wearing crossplay, several indicated that it was generally more acceptable for women to crossplay as male characters than for men to crossplay as female characters. A self-identified female who indicated her favorite crossplay character was the male Professor Ozpin from the YouTube series RWBY (2013–) expressed receiving "overwhelmingly positive" feedback but also acknowledged, "Crossplay is becoming a norm at cons (although I admit girls cosplaying male characters is more widely accepted than men cosplaying female characters)."
7. Discussion
[7.1] Overall, the responses presented above corroborate Gn's (2011) critique of the academic application of gender politics to the cosplay community: most crossplayers indicate that embodying a favorite character and/or creativity are the primary reasons that crossplay is enjoyable to them. Indeed, three of the themes are categorized as costume/character because the responses included virtually no discussions of gender. Respondents were most likely to indicate that portraying a character is an enjoyable reason to crossplay (character trumps gender) and/or that they have practical or aesthetic reasons for dressing-up as characters of a different gender (prefers design of cross-gender characters). A few respondents simply find the challenge of doing crossplay an enjoyable motivating factor (challenge/creativity), while others indicate that enjoyment is derived in being someone different from their everyday selves (to be someone different). These themes parallel the observations of King (2013), who found that many female-to-male crossplayers expressed an overall attraction to the overall character rather than merely to the gender of the character and that doing crossplay convincingly was no different than becoming proficient at wig styling or sewing.
[7.2] The character trumps gender theme was the most prominent (Table 2), suggesting that many respondents take part in the hobby to pay homage to their favorite character rather than for gender expression. A self-identified male whose favorite crossplay is of the female character Kyouko Kirigiri from Danganronpa stated, "I enjoy doing it because I like the character. The actual sex[/gender] of the character is secondary to me; I simply enjoy cosplaying as characters I like first and foremost." Similarly, a self-identified female whose favorite crossplay character is a male, Rock Lee from the Japanese anime and manga series Naruto Shippuden (1999–2017), expressed, "I am a straight female and don't consider crossdressing making a difference towards my sexuality. I choose cosplays based on challenge, love for character and design, regardless of the gender. After all, the character is fictional."
[7.3] The second most frequent theme is prefers design of cross-gender characters. For instance, a respondent who identified as genderfluid and indicated their favorite cosplay character is Captain America, a male, replied, "I generally prefer their [male] clothing/armor/designs more than most female characters, and feel more comfortable wearing them than the minimalist outfits that most female characters wear." The "minimalist outfits" of female characters referenced by this crossplayer likely alludes to the provocative, skin-baring attire worn by many fictional female characters in video games (Lynch et al. 2016), comics, and genre films (Brown 2004). For this individual, crossplay involves dressing as a fictional character who happens to wear clothing that appeals to them.
[7.4] A respondent who identified as genderfluid and who specified their favorite character was Ryuko Matoi from the anime Kill la Kill (2013–14) wrote, "I don't strongly/permanently identify as any one [gender], and it gives me far more variety, plus female (I am male genetically) characters have more variety and are more interesting." As this quote illustrates, interesting characterizations were more salient than gender in choosing to crossplay.
[7.5] The language employed in the responses coded to be someone different did not evoke gender but rather emphasized difference. For these respondents, gender is just another aspect of the costume of their chosen character, and the exploration of gender performativity is seemingly not an important factor to crossplay. A self-identified male who enjoys dressing up as comic heroine Wonder Woman (1941–) at conventions simply wrote, "I enjoy presenting myself as someone that is completely different than who I am in real life." Another self-identified male whose favorite character to dress as is the female character Cadence from the video game Crypt of the NecroDancer (2015) stated, "I enjoy feeling like I'm looking at life and presenting to other[s] a different view than usual."
[7.6] However, while most responses did not discuss gender performativity, some participants' responses are categorized as related to gender. The two themes comprising this category indicate that crossplay is enjoyable because it allows individuals to explore and/or express a different gender within a relatively safe community of peers (explore/express gender). A few participants indicate that they find crossplay enjoyable because their physical body enables them to convincingly dress up as a cross-gender character (body lends itself to crossplay).
[7.7] For example, a respondent who identified the titular character from Sailor Moon (manga, 1991–97; anime, 1992–97) as their favorite cosplay character expressed, "I'm nonbinary but present masculine in my daily life. Cosplay gave me a safe space to practice presenting feminine and to wear things that I would normally not get to wear." For this individual, dressing as a female character at fan conventions provided an outlet for feminine expression. For others, crossplay enabled alternative gender performativity. A self-identified female who indicated Rick Grimes, a male character from The Walking Dead (2010–), as her favorite crossplay character, stated, "I have gender issues in my normal life, cosplay is a great time for me to feel comfortable in myself."
[7.8] The most infrequent theme in responses to the first open-ended question analyzed in the present study, body lends itself to crossplay, has compelling implications about crossplay and gender performativity. Four participants expressed that their physical body was particularly suitable for performing crossplay because their bodies did not strongly signify their self-identified gender. For instance, a self-identified female whose favorite character to cosplay is Zuko from the animated series Avatar: The Last Airbender (2005–8) replied,
[7.9] My body structure typically lends itself better to cosplaying as taller, thinner male characters from animated series than it does female animated characters (who are often quite a bit more buxom). I prefer cosplaying characters with similar body types; I think it helps make a more convincing costume and helps me feel more "in character."
[7.10] It was not merely her attachment to a favorite media character that made crossplay enjoyable but also her physical appearance, which she finds more appropriate for performance as a male character with an androgynous physique.
[7.11] A self-identified male who indicated his favorite crossplay character was Arisato Hamuko, a protagonist from the video game series Persona (1996–), likewise commented, "Due to my slender frame, for the most part I can more accurately portray female characters that I like, while portraying male characters that are designed as likeable characters in any given series is difficult." The Arisato character is highly feminine; she wears a traditional Japanese schoolgirl uniform and conveys a cute and innocent aura befitting of a shojo, a character trope of an adolescent girl popular within Japanese anime and manga (Lunning 2011; Napier 1998).
[7.12] This theme was also found for an individual who did not identify with their biological sex category. A participant expressing their favorite crossplay character as the tenth Doctor from Doctor Who (1963–89, 2005–) lamented, "I identify female, but am biologically male and have a very masculine look. It's unpleasant to cosplay female characters because my body image doesn't match what I want to portray." While this individual would seemingly prefer cosplaying as a female, they experience discomfort doing so because their body is sex categorized as male and therefore as inaccurate for female characters. Thus, social knowledge that a male-sexed body is also categorized as male by others has foreclosed feminine performativity for this crossplayer.
[7.13] The notion that crossplay is enjoyable and/or doable for some because their body is suited to crossplay reveals the discursive nature of bodies; bodies are associated with norms attributed to biological sex yet actually maintained through social ritual (Butler 1993), bodily practices (Connell 1999), and social relational ways of doing (West and Zimmerman 1987)—in other words, bodies suited to convincingly crossplay performed normative notions of binary genders, not necessarily alternative gender schemas. This notion suggests that crossplayers maintain normative notions of male/masculinity and female/femininity as "gender projects" through embodied performance (Connell 1999, 45).
[7.14] The male-to-female crossplayer who indicated his favorite cosplay character as the Japanese schoolgirl Arisato Hamuko expressed the desire to "accurately portray female characters" through his slender body. His commentary suggests that his male body deviates from normative masculinity, including characteristics such as the strength and muscularity embodied by many male heroes in media. For this respondent, crossplaying as a feminine, female character is an achievement maintained through costumed performance but enabled by social norms and expectations for women's bodies. Just as the shojo cosplayer enacts an idealized and universalized femininity (Lunning 2011), self-identified men performing crossplay may perform ideal, even emphasized, notions of femininity.
[7.15] Gn (2011) argues that crossplay is only transgressive with respect to the gendered norms associated with the subject's sociocultural position. Consistent with the theme of explore/express gender, the practice only subverts gender in consideration of respondents' subject positions in everyday life. To offer nuance to Gn's argument, respondents who stated that crossplay was enjoyable because it enabled alternative gender expression were arguably engaging in gender subversion. Yet it is not so simple to claim that crossplay is a gender-liberating practice. When participants find crossplay enjoyable because their body is suited to it, crossplay reinforces gendered norms, mapped onto sexed and sex-categorized bodies, that are imitated and maintained through appropriate dress and comportment. In this sense, gender signifiers that materialized male or female codes on a particular body reify gender as costume—a costume that we have socially learned through discursive practices.
[7.16] In summary, most themes that emerged from the survey responses to the first open-ended question analyzed did not speak to crossplay and gender expression/performativity. Rather, crossplay was considered to be just another facet of costumed performance. Enjoyment of crossplay was attributed to attachment to the character, a preference for the character's attire, the challenge of making a costume and accurately embodying a character/enacting a role, and a desire to escape from mundane self-presentation. Indeed, challenge was associated with costumed performance and notions of authentic gender performativity, suggesting that crossplayers who enjoy the challenge of crossplay inform their performance with body-reflexive practices (Connell 1999) that are discursively linked to male and female bodies. Even those who expressed that their body lends itself to crossplay performed gender according to (hetero)normative schemas. To be sure, crossplay did serve as a means for alternative gender expression/performativity as indicated by the gender categories, but only for individuals who felt they could do so authentically.
[7.17] Regarding community reactions to crossplay, respondents suggested that it was their ability to convincingly perform an alternative gender that warranted positive feedback from others. A self-identified female who indicated her favorite crossplay character was Haru Nanase from the Japanese anime Free! (2013–) stated, "I feel like when I crossplay, I get more attention. My features easily translate between male and female when I put on the appropriate makeup so I'm happy that people think I look cool even when I cross-play." With respect to the performative nature of crossplay, this response is parallel to the body lends itself to crossplay theme discussed earlier. Because this respondent has features that allow her to perform as either a male or female character when in costume, she has not experienced any obvious social penalty or stigmatization for doing so.
[7.18] Crossplay may be more acceptable for women who crossplay as somewhat androgynous male characters because their features are usually suited for such a character. Indeed, a female who expressed her favorite crossplay character as Aoba from the Japanese boys' love visual novel series DRAMAtical Murder (2012–) indicated this privilege in her response: "I've generally just gotten positive feedback on my costumes. I tend to look pretty convincing when I go for 'male,' so people might not notice at first. More androgynous looks get me compliments too, though!"
[7.19] In this sample, a pattern of gender inequality emerged for self-identified males and nonbinary individuals who choose to crossplay as feminine characters. A nonbinary individual who presents as masculine in their daily life experienced social penalties while crossplaying as their favorite character Sailor Mercury, a feminine schoolgirl from Sailor Moon:
[7.20] The majority of reactions I have received have been very encouraging, but the occasional negative comments stick out much more. The most common type of negative reaction I receive is someone treating me like a joke ("Did you lose a bet?," "I showed my friend a photo of you and made them guess your sex," etc.).
[7.21] The mixed response provided by this respondent demonstrates the gender inequality for sex-categorized men who perform crossplay as feminine characters. While women in this sample expressed positive reactions, particularly for convincingly performing as androgynous male characters, men or masculine-presenting nonbinary individuals may encounter social stigma for choosing to perform femininity with their male bodies.
[7.22] Inequality for male and nonbinary crossplayers was observed in the reactions to crossplay, while female-to-male crossplayers spoke of generally positive responses to their authentic performances of the male gender. This privilege is not unlike the experience of transmen (individuals assigned female at birth whose gender identity is male) in the workplace, who ultimately experience the social privileges and benefits of the male gender after transitioning (Schilt 2010). Likewise, female-to-male crossplayers in anime culture may experience praise for accurately portraying androgynous male characters. Okabe (2012) observed among female Japanese cosplayers that crossplay was particularly appreciated when the female crossplayer looked beautiful as a male character, an attribute unique to beautiful male characters in Japanese media.
[7.23] Crossplay may be a more acceptable practice for women than for men because men face a higher penalty for violation of gender norms, especially when a body is sex categorized as male but the performance of dress and behavior is coded feminine (Schilt 2010). In the above quote, the feminine clothing of the Sailor Moon character was deemed inappropriate for a male-categorized body, which resulted in the crossplayer incurring a social penalty in the form of mockery.
[7.24] Since masculinity in geek culture is positioned as a subordinate masculinity (Jenkins 1992), the male-to-female crossplayer incurs a double-penalty from some spectators. As a geek, the cosplayer is already feminized within mainstream culture, but the male-to-female crossplayer portrays an effeminate masculinity that is often the target of cruel discourse (Close 2016). When spectators make degrading comments, the language acts as a masculinity challenge, that is, a social interaction that shames the recipient for appearing to lack masculinity (Messerschmidt 2000). Such masculinity challenges reveal the penalty incurred when men perform femininity via crossplay, an issue not reported by female-to-male crossplayers in this survey.
8. Limitations and conclusion
[8.1] To address debates questioning the gender politics of crossplay (Gn 2011), an online survey was employed to explore the ways in which crossplay perpetuates and/or disrupts traditional ways of doing gender (West and Zimmerman 1987) outside mainstream culture. Overall, Gn's position was supported: for respondents of this survey, exploring gender was not a salient factor contributing to the enjoyment of crossplay. However, some respondents did express that crossplay enabled alternative gender performativity within a relatively supportive community. Extant research has argued that the performance of exaggerated femininity and masculinity is common in cosplay (Norris and Bainbridge 2009). This study found that this was also true for crossplay—some crossplayers experience enjoyment through gender portrayals that capture ideal or stereotypical notions of what it means to be female or male.
[8.2] Indeed, the hypergendered performance of cosplay reveals the inherently performative nature of gender in everyday social interactions (Norris and Bainbridge 2009) that are inscribed in societal norms and encouraged through repetition (Butler 1993). Thus, crossplay in Western cultures may affirm rather than challenge stereotypes about masculinity and femininity. For respondents in this survey, crossplay did not serve to free their bodies from the discursive limits of sex/gender; rather, crossplay performance frequently aligned with heteronormative gender discourse. In this sense, gender was perceived as naturally coinciding with sex categories materialized in physical bodies (Butler).
[8.3] To be sure, cosplayers may embody a media character for a multitude of reasons; they may identify with a character, enjoy the look or challenge of creating a particular costume, or feel that that they bear a physical resemblance to a character (Peirson-Smith 2013). Costumed performance signifies to other fans and attendees that a cosplayer personally identifies with the portrayed character and larger fan community (Hale 2014) and is often an avenue for making new friends within a fandom, especially among women in male-dominated gamer culture (Hjorth 2009). Thus, crossplay is not only an individual activity but a communal one through which participants exchange a shared passion for the source media. Indeed, as cosplayers/crossplayers perform within the context of globalized media industries, "gender performativity becomes infused with processes of localization" (Hjorth, ¶ 19).
[8.4] A limitation of this study is that most participants were from North America and Europe. This limitation may have been a result of the language used in the survey or to the homogeneity of the communities in which links were posted. Future studies should attempt to recruit a broader sample or conduct case studies of the crossplay phenomenon in other communities. Another limitation pertains to the survey's wording. The question pertaining to crossplay asked participants to identify whether their favorite character to cosplay was a different sex/gender than their self-identified sex/gender. Some respondents who crossplay may nonetheless have identified their favorite cosplay character as a same-gendered cosplay and were likely excluded. Finally, the data should not be interpreted to mean that crossplayers in this survey favored crossplay over cosplay. It is possible, indeed, even likely, that many crossplayers in this sample also participated in making/wearing gender-conforming cosplay in addition to making/wearing crossplay.
[8.5] Although the results of this survey suggest that many crossplayers are not motivated by alternative gender expression, the performance of alternative genders may be more salient for nonbinary individuals who employ crossplay as a socially acceptable way to explore their identity. More work on gender-nonconforming and nonbinary individuals in cosplay/crossplay should be undertaken.
[8.6] Finally, while many respondents suggested that crossplay at conventions served as a safe environment in which to perform an alternative gender via embodiment of a fictional character, the analysis offered here suggests that not all crossplayers are treated equally. Men and nonbinary individuals who perform femininity by embodying female characters are often penalized, which affirms the hegemonic status of masculinity in contemporary culture (Connell 1995), even within the playful space of a fan convention.
9. Acknowledgments
[9.1] I thank Nicole Martins for her assistance with survey design and data analysis. I thank Youngjoo Cha and Cate Taylor for their feedback. I am similarly grateful to Dongeun Shin for her comments.